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بالانكليزية: Power struggle: China challenges US hegemony

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Power struggle: China challenges US hegemony

Professor Hussein Aldeek

 

The Chinese-American rivalry in the Middle East is no longer limited to military bases, arms deals and security alliances, but has become a broader struggle for political, economic and diplomatic influence and the ability to influence the future of the region. While the United States has maintained its presence as the most influential military and security power, China is building a different model based on Economy, Trade, technology, infrastructure, diplomacy and long-term partnerships.

This is not to say that Beijing has abandoned hard power; it is developing its military capabilities and expanding its defense relations with the countries of the region. However, its regional strategy focuses more on presenting China as an economic and diplomatic partner, rather than as a power seeking direct military domination.

The Belt and Road initiative is at the forefront of China's tools of influence, linking China with Middle Eastern countries through ports, energy, transport, communications and technology projects. The importance of these projects is not limited to their economic returns, but creates a network of mutual interests that gives Beijing growing political influence. Trade and energy relations are also a key pillar, especially with the Gulf countries, where China needs oil and markets, while the countries of the region are looking for investments, technology and diversifying their international partnerships.

In contrast, American power in the Middle East is based mainly on military and security superiority, a network of bases, forces and alliances, as well as political and economic influence. These tools have given Washington a great ability to manage crises and influence the balance of power, but they have also produced a political cost, especially due to wars and military interventions that have contributed to strengthening the image of the United States as a power that uses tools of coercion more than gravity.

The difference between the two models is clearly evident in the issue of sovereignty and political interference, as China presents a speech based on respect for the sovereignty of states and non-interference in their political systems, and presents itself as a development partner without requiring political or human rights changes. The United States, although its policies differ from one country to another, Links part of its foreign discourse with democracy, human rights and Freedoms, which gives it additional tools of influence, but at the same time raises sensitivity among some governments of the region.

China's soft power is not limited to the economy, as Beijing is strengthening its presence in Education, Culture, Media, and academic exchange, including Chinese Language Teaching, scholarships, and university cooperation. It also invests in the historical memory of the Silk Road to present Chinese–Arab relations as an extension of a long civilized communication, and not just a modern trade relationship.

More importantly, China is moving from economic power to political diplomacy. Its success in sponsoring the Saudi-Iranian rapprochement is an important example of this transformation, presenting itself as a party capable of facilitating dialogue rather than engaging in conflicts militarily. Beijing is taking advantage of the state of regional fatigue towards wars and interventions to put forward a discourse based on dialogue, stability and development.

However, China's ability to transform its soft power into direct political influence remains limited compared to the US ability. Washington still has military superiority, networks of alliances, the ability to provide security assistance, influence in international institutions, as well as its strategic relations with Israel and major Arab countries. Therefore, China does not seem to be able, in the foreseeable future, to offer a full-fledged security alternative to the United States.

Therefore, the Chinese–American rivalry does not necessarily mean that China seeks to take the United States out of the Middle East, as much as it seeks to change the nature of the regional system itself. The countries of the region do not seem willing to choose exclusively between Washington and Beijing, but are working to expand the margin of maneuver by diversifying partnerships.

The most important transformation in the Middle East, then, is the gradual transition from an environment dominated by a single center of power to a more pluralistic system of centers of influence in which the United States retains its military and security superiority, while China expands its economic, technological, diplomatic and cultural influence. Therefore, the competition between the two powers is no longer just a struggle over rules and weapons, it has become a struggle over the definition of power itself: is power measured by the ability to deter and coerce, or by the ability to build interests, partnerships, attractiveness and trust in the long term.

The End